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Speeches & Testimony

Remarks by FDIC Chairman Sheila Bair to The Economic Club of New York; New York, New York
April 27, 2009

Good afternoon everybody. I'm honored to be here this afternoon. I'm told it's the first time in your distinguished, 102-year history that you've invited an FDIC chairman to speak. You've had presidents, prime ministers, five-star generals, lots of Fed chairmen and Treasury secretaries, and many corporate CEOs ... not to mention the U.S. Senate Majority Leader, my former boss, Bob Dole. That's a lot of gravitas and intellectual capital to follow. So I'm feeling (dare I say) that this is my own personal 'stress test'.
I hope that the ideas I discuss with you today will have value in the ongoing debate over how we restore our financial sector to vitality and return it as the engine of growth for the real economy.
During a recent visit to the University of Massachusetts where I used to teach, I was asked by a former student (who knows my market-based proclivities) to explain the extraordinary government intervention of the past several months.
How do you explain what the government is doing? As a life-long Republican and market advocate, it's not easy. The government is going into places where we don't want to be. We're doing things we'd rather not be doing, but had little choice not to undertake them – and they have worked so far.
We've moved beyond the liquidity crisis of last year. Most major institutions managed to turn a profit in the first quarter. And one of the few that didn't was hurt by an improvement in its credit spreads, which damaged its balance sheet by increasing the theoretical cost of repurchasing its own debt.
As I see it, we are now in the clean up phase. We need to get in, do the repair work, and get out. And we also must look to how to improve our system for the future.
At the FDIC we have two credos which have pretty much driven our corporate culture over the past 75 years): One: No depositor should ever lose a penny of insured deposits (and none ever has). And two, failed banks should be closed expeditiously. There should be a minimum of disruption, their financial assets quickly sold back into private hands, and the losses first absorbed by their shareholders and creditors to maintain market discipline.
This FDIC resolution mechanism has worked in prior eras, when the vast majority of financial activity occurred inside insured depository institutions.
The reality is the bulk of the financial activity which has driven the current crisis falls outside of FDIC insured banks. The past 25 years have seen vast changes in how credit is provided and in the types of firms which provide financial intermediation.
Unfortunately, our laws for dealing with financial crises have not kept pace with these changes. As a consequence, we have very different laws to resolve the different parts of a financial firm. This makes a coordinated resolution of entire financial organizations -- which may or may not include an FDIC insured bank – almost impossible.
And as I will discuss later, the bankruptcy process simply does not work for large, systemically important financial institutions in a way that can preserve stability and avoid disruptions in the financial system.
The lack of an effective resolution mechanism for large financial organizations is driving many of our policy choices. It has contributed to unprecedented government intervention into private companies. It has fed the "too big to fail" presumption, which has eroded market discipline for those who invest and lend to very large institutions. And this intervention, in turn, has given rise to public cynicism about the system and anger directed at the government and financial market participants.
We need a new resolution regime for these large institutions, which does a better job of imposing loss on investors and creditors, instead of leaving it in the hands of government and the laps of the taxpayer. To be sure, creating such a resolution mechanism would be very bold. But recent history –I believe-- has shown that it is a very necessary step.
Why we need resolution authority
For 75 years the FDIC has quickly and effectively resolved failed banks. We are good at this. We have had a lot of practice over the years.
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]When an FDIC-insured bank or thrift is in danger of failing, the FDIC has standard procedures that kick into gear. Typically, where a bank is approaching insolvency, we invoke Prompt Corrective Action. This involves formal notification to the bank of its undercapitalized status and the need for a corrective plan.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]We begin assembling an information package for bidders with the structure and terms of the transaction. Then we send FDIC staff to review the bank's books, contact prospective bidders, and begin the process of auctioning the bank to achieve the best return to the Deposit Insurance Fund. Our staff work with the acquiring bank, and make the hand-over as unintrusive (and seamless) as possible, arriving at the failed bank after it closes the doors for the day, usually on a Friday night.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]The FDIC takes control of the bank and begins the closing process. At the same time, the acquirer begins to prepare the bank to reopen. Over night, all insured deposits are transferred to the acquiring bank and are made available on-line or through ATMs. [/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]By Monday morning, the bank reopens with a new name and under control of the acquiring institution. And the FDIC is hard at work dealing with the failed bank's assets in accordance with our priority structure. This is the typical process, though sometimes banks have to be closed because of an inability to meet their funding obligations. [/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]These "liquidity failures" can be sudden, and require that we set up a bridge bank to give us time to market and sell the institution. The biggest positive from our process is the very quick reallocation of resources from the weak, to the strong.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Make no doubt about it, this can be a painful process for shareholders, creditors and bank employees. The differences between this process and the government's actions since last fall in dealing with this nation's largest financial institutions are stark. [/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Was it pretty? No. Given the benefit of hindsight, could things have been done differently? Perhaps. But most of us in this room I hope would agree that the government's actions were necessary and successful for now in stabilizing a very volatile situation. But going forward, it is very clear in my mind that we need new tools and new methods to promptly and effectively deal with the clean up.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]We must not forget the lessons learned from the Savings and Loan debacle in the 1980s. Delay was very real, and had very significant costs. The S&L crisis started in 1980 when interest rate controls on deposits were lifted at a time of historically high interest rates. With most S&Ls holding long-term fixed-rate mortgages portfolios, the higher interest rates for deposits generated huge losses, almost completely wiping out the industry's tangible capital two years later. While some S&Ls were closed, the main response was manipulating accounting rules, reducing capital requirements, lightening up supervision ... and basically, just hoping it all worked out. [/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Seven years later the thrift industry collapsed, generating billions of dollars in losses in residential and commercial real estate. The Resolution Trust Corporation was then created, with taxpayers forced to pay $124 billion to shut down 750 S&Ls. Not a pretty sight, nor an easy case to explain to taxpayers. But it had one redeeming virtue; it removed a huge backlog of toxic assets from our "nation's portfolio," which allowed our economy to move back into the black. [/FONT]
[FONT=arial, helvetica, sans-serif][FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Why we need to change how we resolve systemically important institutions[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]The FDIC's resolution powers are extremely effective when a smaller bank fails. But they fall short when it comes to very large financial organizations. Why? The main problem is that we don't have the ability to resolve bank holding companies. We can only resolve the insured depository institution within the holding company. [/FONT]
[/FONT][FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]When a failing bank is part of a large, complex holding company, many of the essential services for the bank's operations lie in other parts of the company, outside our reach. The loss of essential services can make it difficult to run the bank.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Because of the complex network of corporate relationships, holding companies often wield critical control over bank and non-bank subsidiaries, as well as mutually dependent business activities. It's not unusual for many corporate services to operate in both the insured and non-insured affiliates, without regard to legal separation.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]In some cases, the insured depository may be so dependent on its holding company that it is difficult, if not impossible, to operate without holding company cooperation. This can hamstring the FDIC and our ability to preserve the bank's franchise value, and minimize losses to the Deposit Insurance Fund (which is our number one mandate).[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Taking control of just the bank is not a practical solution. A basic change to give us the ability to resolve both banks and their holding companies would remove a key limitation in the tools we currently have to deal with non-viable large institutions.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]The second reason we need a change in the game rules is the FDIC's resolution powers don't apply to financial firms that are not depository institutions. These firms – like bank holding companies -- must be resolved through bankruptcy.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]This can be a messy business in the case of systemically important non-bank financial firms. Bankruptcy is designed to protect the interests of creditors, not to prevent a meltdown of the financial system when a systemically important financial firm gets into trouble. When a firm is placed into bankruptcy, an automatic stay is put on most creditor claims to allow management time to develop a reorganization plan. This can create liquidity problems for creditors who must wait to get their money. For financial firms, bankruptcy can trigger a rush to the door, as counterparties to derivatives contracts exercise their rights to immediately terminate the contracts, net out their exposures, and sell any supporting collateral.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]When these statutory rights were initially provided in the 1980s and expanded in 2005, they were designed to reduce the risks of market disruption. However, during periods of economic instability, this rush-to-the-door can overwhelm the market's ability to complete settlements, depress prices for the underlying assets, and further destabilize the markets. This can have a domino effect across financial markets, as other firms are forced to adjust their balance sheets. [/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Financial firms are highly interconnected. They are central to credit and liquidity and tying up those intermediation functions during a court-based process is untenable. We need a process that provides for continuity in functions, as the government undertakes an orderly transfer or unwinding of the firms' positions. At the same time, special expertise is required to provide that continuity, while also protecting market functionality and taxpayer exposure. [/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]This stands in contrast to the mandate of a bankruptcy court to protect creditors. [/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Our goal should be to create a new resolution process that imposes losses on the appropriate parties without interrupting essential operations. Bankruptcy doesn't meet these objectives. For instance, the FDIC has special resolution authority to prevent immediate close-out netting and settlement of an insured depository's financial contracts. We have 24 hours after appointment as receiver to decide whether to transfer the contracts to another bank or to an FDIC-operated bridge bank ... or to cancel the contracts. This remedial authority prevents instability and contagion, which is what you can get from a bankruptcy. The lack of a resolution mechanism has required the government to improvise for each individual situation, making it very difficult to address systemic problems in a coordinated manner.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]On top of that, there is the matter of fairness. There needs to be a clearly laid out process in place. Government should not be in the business of arbitrarily picking winners and losers. And smaller banks shouldn't be subject to one regime, while larger institutions and non-banks are subject to another. Investors and creditors have lacked strong incentives to perform due diligence because of the perception that these institutions are so large and complex that the government would have to bail them out. And they were absolutely right. [/FONT]
[FONT=arial, helvetica, sans-serif][FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]New resolution regime[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]What's needed is a new way to unwind these big institutions. We need an effective resolution mechanism, not a get-out-of-jail free card. Taxpayers should not be called on to foot the bill to support non-viable institutions because there is no orderly process for resolving them. This is unacceptable, and simply reinforces the notion of "too big to fail" ... a 25-year old idea that ought to be tossed into the dustbin. [/FONT]
[/FONT][FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]When the public interest is at stake, the resolution process should support an orderly unwinding of the institution in a way that protects the broader economy and the taxpayer, not just private financial interests. [/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]To be sure, a new resolution regime is not panacea. We also need better and smarter regulation. Many of the institutions that got into trouble were already heavily regulated. We didn't do enough to constrain leverage, regulate derivatives, and most important, protect the consumer. We forgot that there is a difference between "free markets", and "free for all markets".[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]But while considerable attention has been focused on regulatory shortcomings, not enough has been focused on the lack of market discipline fostered by "too big to fail". To address this problem, we must have a realistic way to close and resolve non-viable systemic institutions.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Here's how a resolution authority could help.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Many have cited a "good bank" -- "bad bank" model for resolving these institutions. Under this scenario, you'd take over the troubled firm, imposing losses on stockholders and unsecured creditors. Viable portions of the firm would be placed into the "good bank" using a structure similar to the FDIC's bridge bank. The nonviable or troubled portions of the firms would remain behind in a "bad bank," and would be unwound or sold over time.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]The cost of the bad bank would be partially paid for by the losses imposed on the stockholders and unsecured creditors. Any additional costs would be borne by assessments on other systemically risky firms. This has the benefit of quickly recognizing the losses in the firm and beginning the process of cleaning up the mess.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]The stockholders and managers of some big banks might not like this process. They might prefer a too-big-to-fail subsidy or investment from the government. (And some regulators might fear it because it would give an independent body the ability to close institutions for which they are responsible.)[/FONT]
[FONT=arial, helvetica, sans-serif][FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Short term pain, long term gain[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]It would be a brave new world which, in the short term, could increase the cost of capital for large institutions. Investors and creditors will come to understand their own responsibility (and the wisdom) of conducting due diligence of the strengths and weaknesses of bank managers and balance sheets. In turn, investors and creditors will charge a premium for the newly recognized risk, that indeed, these institutions could fail. [/FONT]
[/FONT][FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]This is as it should be. Everybody should have the freedom to fail in a market economy. Without that freedom, capitalism doesn't work. In the longer term, a legal mechanism to resolve systemically important firms would result in a more efficient alignment of capital with better managed institutions. Ultimately, this would benefit those better managed institutions and make the financial system and the economy stronger and more resilient.[/FONT]
[FONT=arial, helvetica, sans-serif][FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Funding[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]So who should pay for an "anybody can fail" doctrine? Certainly not the taxpayer. As a tax-paying citizen, I don't favor encouraging foolish behavior. Nor should those costs be borne by the Deposit Insurance Fund, which should continue to be used only for the costs of protecting depositors when banks fail. [/FONT]
[/FONT][FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]A new resolution authority could include assessments on larger firms to fund a reserve that would be tapped to absorb losses for a failure. I believe it's only fair that the industry that benefits should pay ... just as banks pay for deposit insurance. [/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]The assessments could be based on the differential in the cost of capital between smaller institutions -- which clearly can fail and thus have higher costs -- and their larger competitors. Moreover, we should not base this strictly on size, which might not be perfectly aligned with risk. For example, a large mutual fund that invests in the S&P 500 is not systemic. Risk-based surcharges should be imposed on higher risk behavior. This might include certain derivatives, market making or proprietary trading, and rapid growth. We now have such a risk-based system for the insurance premiums we charge for deposit insurance, and it's working very well.[/FONT]
[FONT=arial, helvetica, sans-serif][FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Where to put the new regime[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Who is best-able to get the job done? I don't think we need another government bureaucracy or program. This is cyclical work. We have a lot of agencies already. I'm not sure it makes much sense to create another one that would need to be staffed up and ready to go. But the FDIC is up to the task, and whether alone or in conjunction with other agencies, the FDIC is central to the solution. Given our many years of experience resolving banks and closing them, we're well-suited to run a new resolution program. [/FONT]
[/FONT][FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Some have said we don't have experience in resolving large institutions. But no other agency has the skills and tools needed for resolving these institutions. The knowledge and skills used to resolve smaller institutions can be applied to larger ones. In addition, we can and would reach out to the private sector for experienced bank management to help us unwind and resolve larger entities.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Creating a stand-alone resolution authority or housing it in another agency could actually lead to instability down the road. Systemic events are infrequent. The last big failure, the Continental Illinois crisis, happened 25 years ago. With such long periods between crises it is difficult to imagine the duties of the stand alone resolution authority in the interim. When crisis does strike, the authority would likely be understaffed and unprepared because we all know too well how hard it is to see the brewing storm. This would make it less likely that authorities would be able to act quickly, creating the kind of public panic a new independent authority was supposed to prevent. [/FONT]
[FONT=arial, helvetica, sans-serif][FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Conclusion[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Let me conclude by saying again that we cannot effectively solve the problems caused by the "too big to fail" notion unless we overhaul how we regulate and supervise big institutions, and how we resolve them when they implode. Closing down a big name company is never pleasant. It's a messy business but a necessary one in a market economy. [/FONT]
[/FONT][FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]To move forward, we can't let ourselves be prisoners of out-dated authorities, trapped in a resolution regime which pre-dated the evolution of the "shadow banking sector"—crafted in a prior era when insured banks overwhelmingly dominated financial services. The sooner we modernize our resolution structure, the sooner we can end too big to fail, and clear the way for a stronger, brighter and more stable economic future.[/FONT]
[FONT=Arial, Helvetica, sans-serif]Thank you very much.[/FONT][FONT=arial, helvetica, sans-serif]
[/FONT]
 
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  • APRIL 28, 2009
SEC Charges Pang With Fraud



By KARA SCANNELL and MARK MAREMONT

The Securities and Exchange Commission alleged that financier Danny Pang defrauded investors of hundreds of millions of dollars and obtained a temporary order freezing his assets.
As part of the SEC's civil lawsuit filed in federal court in Los Angeles, U.S. District Judge Philip Gutierrez froze the assets of Mr. Pang and the Irvine, Calif., businesses he ran, Private Equity Management Group Inc. and Private Equity Management Group LLC. The judge also appointed a receiver, Robert P. Mosier, to safeguard the existing assets.
SEC Statement

The judge ordered Mr. Pang to return money sent overseas and to surrender his passport. The investigation is continuing.
Mr. Pang's investment practices came to light in a page-one article earlier this month in The Wall Street Journal. Mr. Pang stepped aside temporarily as chairman and CEO of PEMGroup shortly after the article appeared.
The company hired law firm Gibson Dunn & Crutcher to perform an independent investigation. A company spokesman had no immediate comment on the SEC allegations. Mr. Pang, 42 years old, traveled to China two weeks ago for a religious pilgrimage, according to his spokesman.
David Schindler, an attorney for Mr. Pang, said his client expects to be fully vindicated. He said Mr. Pang voluntarily returned to the U.S. more than a week ago to cooperate with PEMGroup's internal probe and is committed to saving the company.
PEMGroup says it manages $4 billion, but the amount raised in Taiwan, where most of its investors were, was likely no more than $1 billion, according to people close to the matter. Ming-Daw Chang, director of the banking bureau under Taiwan's Financial Supervisory Commission, said the SEC move "could have a major impact" in Taiwan.
The SEC also accused Mr. Pang of lying about his past, saying PEMGroup falsely represented him as a former merger adviser at Morgan Stanley and said he held an M.B.A. degree from University of California, Irvine. Mr. Pang never worked at Morgan Stanley, nor did he attend or obtain any degrees from UC Irvine, the SEC said.
The SEC alleged Mr. Pang's fraud began at least in 2003 when he raised hundreds of millions of dollars from investors, mostly in Taiwan. Mr. Pang sold investors securities and told them he would earn enough profit to pay them returns through purchasing life-insurance policies at a discount, the SEC said. In truth, the SEC alleged, the life-insurance policies didn't generate enough profit to cover the cost of the premiums or meet the returns he promised to investors. PEMGroup instead paid investors from new money that was supposed to be invested in time-shares, the SEC said.
In one instance, PEMGroup presented investors with a forged $108 million insurance policy to support its claim that one investment was entirely covered by insurance, the SEC said. The SEC alleged the insurance policy was for approximately $31 million. When asked by investors to view the policy, the SEC said, Mr. Pang had it altered to increase the amount of the policy. Investors also were shown the "bogus insurance policy" by PEMGroup in order to win their business, it said.
Rosalind Tyson, director of the SEC's Los Angeles office, said, "Pang's alleged use of phony credentials and false insurance coverage to guarantee his investments underscores how critical it is for investors to exercise due diligence."
Write to Kara Scannell at [email protected] and Mark Maremont at [email protected]
Printed in The Wall Street Journal, page C1
 
Property in America
Commercial break

Apr 23rd 2009
From The Economist print edition
Disaster looms in yet another asset class



GENERAL GROWTH PROPERTIES (GGP) and the Great Basin Bank do not have a lot in common. One is America’s second-largest mall owner, the other a small bank in Elko, Nevada. But both shut their doors within a day of each other this month because of their exposure to commercial property, the most threatening in a line-up of suspect asset classes.
AlamyVegas fashion victim
GGP filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection on April 16th. Its assets, which include the Fashion Show Mall in Las Vegas (pictured) and South Street Seaport in New York, are high-quality and continue to generate decent income. Its financing structure is what got it into trouble. GGP found that it simply could not roll over its debts because of a lack of liquidity.
GGP’s difficulties were not unexpected. It was carrying lots of debt, principally because of a big acquisition in 2004, and much of it was short-term. But its failure still sends two shock waves. First, by including several properties that back commercial mortgage-backed securities (CMBS) in its Chapter 11 filing, GGP has unnerved investors who expect such assets to be ringfenced in a bankruptcy.
The second shock wave is that GGP’s bankruptcy underlines a pervasive refinancing risk for the industry. Foresight Analytics, a research firm, reckons that $594 billion of commercial mortgages will mature in America alone between 2009 and 2011. Many of these borrowers will have a big problem when their loans mature. Just as in residential property, the financing terms that were available to property and construction firms got ever laxer as the bubble inflated. Loan-to-value ratios of 85-95% were common in 2006 and 2007. These have now tightened to 60-65% and below for new lending.


That would be bad enough if prices were static. They are not. Commercial-property prices have fallen by 35% or so in America. Richard Parkus, of Deutsche Bank, thinks that 70% of all CMBS issued recently in America will not be able to refinance without a big increase in the capital that borrowers stump up.
It is likely to be a similar story with bank lending. Many banks are extending loan terms, hoping that the problem will go away. It will not. A growing overhang of debt will only make it harder for the market to recover. And the full effects of the bust are only just beginning to be felt. Losses on commercial property tend to lag behind rises in the unemployment rate by a year or so, largely because lease terms protect landlords from immediate falls in rental income. (An exception is the hotel industry, where leases are, in effect, renewed daily). The pain is now arriving. Office vacancies in America’s city centres increased to 12.5% in the first quarter, up from 9.9% a year earlier. Delinquencies are spiralling. Write-offs on bank-held commercial-property loans rose sevenfold in 2008.
The potential for further damage to the banks is especially worrying. Morgan Stanley’s first-quarter results on April 22nd included a $1 billion loss on its real-estate investments. But the loan books are where the real concerns lie. Commercial-property loans, including construction and development, account for 22% of American bank loans, up from an average of 14% in the 1980s and 1990s.
Smaller banks are exposed. Matthew Anderson of Foresight Analytics says that banks with assets between $100m and $10 billion hold commercial-property loans worth more than three times their total risk-based capital. Great Basin Bank, the 25th American bank to fail this year, was undone by heavy losses on commercial property. It will not be the last.
 
April 26, 2009

After Off Year, Wall Street Pay Is Bouncing Back

By LOUISE STORY
The rest of the nation may be getting back to basics, but on Wall Street, paychecks still come with a golden promise.
Workers at the largest financial institutions are on track to earn as much money this year as they did before the financial crisis began, because of the strong start of the year for bank profits.
Even as the industry’s compensation has been put in the spotlight for being so high at a time when many banks have received taxpayer help, six of the biggest banks set aside over $36 billion in the first quarter to pay their employees, according to a review of financial statements.
If that pace continues all year, the money set aside for compensation suggests that workers at many banks will see their pay — much of it in bonuses — recover from the lows of last year.
“I just haven’t seen huge changes in the way people are talking about compensation,” said Sandy Gross, managing partner of Pinetum Partners, a financial recruiting firm. “Wall Street is being realistic. You have to retain your human capital.”
Brad Hintz, an analyst at Sanford C. Bernstein, was more critical. “Like everything on Wall Street, they’re starting to sin again,” he said. “As you see a recovery, you’ll see everybody’s compensation beginning to rise.”
In total, the banks are not necessarily spending more on compensation, because their work forces have shrunk sharply in the last 18 months. Still, the average pay for those who remain — rank-and-file workers whose earnings are not affected by government-imposed limits — appears to be rebounding.
Of the large banks receiving federal help, Goldman Sachs stands out for setting aside the most per person for compensation. The bank, which nearly halved its compensation last year, set aside $4.7 billion for worker pay in the quarter. If that level continues all year, it would add up to average pay of $569,220 per worker — almost as much as the pay in 2007, a record year.
“We need to be able to pay our people,” said Lucas van Praag, a spokesman for Goldman, adding that the rest of the year might not prove as profitable, and so the first-quarter reserves might simply be “sensible husbandry.”
Indeed, last year, when Goldman lost money in the fourth quarter, it did not pay out some of the compensation it had set aside when earnings were stronger.
At other banks, pay scales tilt in favor of particular units. JPMorgan Chase, for example, is setting aside what would total $138,234 on average for workers. But in the bank’s trading and investment banking unit, if revenue stays at first-quarter levels, workers are on track to earn an average of $509,524 over the year. That figure was $345,147 in 2006.
To try to blunt criticism of high pay, some banks have introduced reforms to take back bonuses from individual workers whose bets later lose money. Moreover, executives say that for many well-paid bankers, a good portion of their bonus compensation is in stock, whose value can decline if the performance of the bank lags.
Representatives of several of the largest banks said much of their compensation budget covered expenses other than bonuses, like salaries, health care, pension plans and severance.
Still, the compensation expense is the only publicly disclosed figure related to pay at the banks, and it is the best figure for calculating pay per worker.
This expense includes money for year-end bonuses. For high earners, bonuses can account for three-quarters of pay.
Compensation is among the most cited causes of the financial crisis because bonuses were often tied to short-term gains, even if those gains disappeared later on. Still, as profits return, banks do not appear to be changing the absolute level of worker pay — or the share of revenue dedicated to compensation.
Historically, investment banks have paid workers about 50 cents for every dollar of revenue. The average is lower at commercial banks like JPMorgan Chase and Bank of America, because they employ more people in retail branches where pay is lower.
But every dollar paid to workers is a dollar that cannot be used to expand the business or increase lending. Some of that revenue, too, could be used by bailed-out banks to pay back taxpayers.
Wall Street, of course, has a long history of high wages. Not all that long ago, most investment banks were private partnerships, and the workers were also typically the owners. Even when those firms began listing their shares on public stock exchanges, a standard was set in which half of their revenue was paid out to workers.
Their argument is that such lofty pay retains the best employees, who help earn more money, ultimately benefiting shareholders. The set-asides in the first quarter for pay can also help raise morale within the banks.
Some shareholders, however, contend that the earnings pie should be reapportioned. They argue that shareholders have lost a lot of wealth as bank stocks spiraled, so as revenue picks up, more money should be returned in the form of dividends.
“The money should go to shareholders,” said Frederick E. Rowe Jr., a member of the pension board in Texas and the president of Investors for Director Accountability, a nonprofit group. “The fact that the compensation as a percentage of revenue has not gone down is an indication that the root problem has not been addressed.”
Some analysts point to Morgan Stanley as an example of the compensation conundrum. The bank had a dismal quarter, losing $578 million, but still put aside $2.08 billion for compensation. That amount, though lower than the compensation at Goldman, was 68 percent of revenue.
Mr. Hintz, the analyst, said the bank could have avoided losing 57 cents a share if it had reserved less revenue for compensation.
In an interview, Colm Kelleher, Morgan Stanley’s chief financial officer, said the compensation set-aside was based on the bank’s full-year earnings expectations, not just the first quarter. And Morgan could drop its compensation expense only so low, he said, because much of it consists of fixed expenses, like salaries.
“The number of fat cats making loads of money is much less than you think,” he said.
If shareholders do not like compensation policies at banks, they can simply sell their shares. Still, several banks cut bonus pools last year, as losses mounted. And the government is restricting certain pay at banks that received bailout money.
The rule, which applies only to the most highly paid workers, has prompted some banks to try to return the government money as fast as possible.
Executive recruiters in the sector say prospective recruits are still being offered pay packages on par with those of earlier recruits. Some banks that received taxpayer help are even offering guarantees to recruit workers.
Part of the way banks are supporting high pay for their workers is by shrinking their work forces. Citigroup, for example, has dismissed 65,000 people since the start of 2007. That has left Citigroup paying the same amount on average to its remaining workers, though the quarterly cost to Citigroup is down by 25 percent, to $6.4 billion.
 
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U.S. economy shrinks more than expected

  • On Wednesday April 29, 2009, 8:35 am EDT

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The U.S. economy contracted at a steeper-than-expected pace in the first quarter, weighed down by sharp declines in exports and business inventories, according government data on Wednesday that showed the economy was still deep in recession.
Gross domestic product, which measures total goods and services output within U.S. borders, dropped at a 6.1 percent annual rate, the Commerce Department said, after shrinking 6.3 percent in the fourth quarter.
Analysts polled by Reuters had forecast GDP falling at a 4.9 percent rate in the January-March quarter. Output has declined for three straight quarters for the first time since 1974-1975.
The advance report from the Commerce Department showed business inventories plummeted by a record $103.7 billion in the first quarter, as firms worked to reduce stocks of unsold goods in their warehouses. That sliced 2.79 percentage points from the overall GDP figure. Excluding inventories, GDP contracted 3.4 percent.
However, declining inventories is a positive development as it suggests the inventory correction cycle might be over. Exports collapsed 30 percent, the biggest decline since 1969, after dropping 23.6 percent in the fourth quarter. The decline in exports knocked off a record 4.06 percentage points from GDP.
Investment by businesses tumbled a record 37.9 percent in the first quarter, while residential investment dived 38 percent, the biggest decline since the second quarter of 1980.
However, there were some bright spots in the report. Consumer spending, which accounts for over two-thirds of U.S. economic activity, rose 2.2 percent, after collapsing in the second half of last year. Consumer spending was boosted by a 9.4 percent jump in purchases of durable goods, the first advance after four quarters of decline.
The Commerce Department said the government's $787 billion rescue package of spending and tax cuts, approved in February, had little impact on first-quarter GDP. Part of the stimulus package is designed to bolster state and local and government spending, which fell at a 3.9 percent rate in the first quarter, the largest decline since the second quarter of 1981.
(Reporting by Lucia Mutikani; Editing by Neil Stempleman)
 
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:titanic:
 

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