Obbligazioni MPS

Chiedo a Russia, il consiglio per la maggio 19 DDT , si basa sul minor prezzo o sulla alta probabilità di avere 100 fra 18 mesi? Grazie
 
MF:
PIANO DI SALVATAGGIO L’AD MORELLI RICONTRATTA I COMPENSI PER GLI ADVISOR JP MORGAN E MEDIOBANCA Mps rinegozia le commissioni Rispetto al corrispettivo pattuito inizialmente, che si aggirerebbe intorno a mezzo miliardo, la banca senese potrebbe proporre un taglio della parte fi ssa e l’introduzione di fee legate al successo del piano (Gualtieri a pagina 2)
 
Mps rinegozia le commissioni
L’ad morelli mette in discussione i compensi per gli advisor Jp Morgan e Mediobanca. Nessun impegno ancora preso. La banca potrebbe proporre un taglio sostanzioso della parte fissa e l’introduzione di success fees. Conversione volontaria dei subordinati prevista anche per il retail

Mps rinegozia le commissioni - MilanoFinanza.it



 
Si potrebbe ragionevolmente obiettare che un intervento statale da 2.2 mliardi di dollari sulla retail (pano "E") inciderebbe per uno 0.10% circa sul budget governativo ripercuotendosi sul debito pubblico e sui margini fiscali del prossimo budget.

E' vero, il debito pubblco italiano è così grande che ci impedisce quella elasticità di intervento che è invece necessaria. Se andiamo a vedere quanto hanno immesso nostrii colleghi europei nelle loro banche e togliamo da questi i soldi "comunitari ed esterni(vari fondi salvatutto)", i paesi con il minor debito pubblico hanno avuto, giustamente, gioco facle nel mettere in relativa sicurezza i propri istituti
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tuttavia..tuttavia, questi 2.2 miliardi di dollari circa per intervenire in MpS, ptrebbero non essere soldi buttati.

E provo a ri-parlarne..visto che di risposte al "cosa osta" non arrvano..

(........)
 
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lI 5 miliardi di euro di aucap previsti sono così spalmati (GML mi corregga che lei è il mio riferimento in queste cose):

1.1 miliardi sono le perdite del "NPLs: fuori tutto sotto costo" a 33% dal 37 a bilancio (37-33)*27.7 miliardi complessivi
+
1.6 miliardi coprono la parte di equity che MpS trattiene a bilancio deducibile dal CET1
+
2.2 miliardi sono gli accantonamenti obbligatori per scendere sotto quel 20% di esposizione ai non performing assets che impone il Single Supervsory Mechanism..(si scenderebbe al 18% circa)

Questi 2.2 miliardi sono, casualmente, proprio quello che è in mano al retail sotto forma di credito subordinato junor(non garantito)

Fato salvo quanto esposto qui,
e considerando che a giugno ci hanno concesso la possibiltà di prestare garanzie per 150 miliardi di euro, con dei vincoli ovviamente (vedi gacs ed investment grade), possibile non si riesca a studiare un modo per portare a casa questi 2 miliardi in mano al retail, blindando per quasi il 50% l'aucap, facendosi convertire, impattando sul prezzo delle azioni da subito( e quindi valorizzando il 4% già in portafoglio) e , ribadisco, vendendo in seguto guadagnandoci (forse...ma lo storico d operazioni similari così pare suggerire..)?

Possibile che non si riesca noi per una volta a fare un buon affare? Accontentiamo tutti.

Se si guardano i links European Commission - PRESS RELEASES - Press release - State aid: Commission adapts crisis rules for banks - frequently asked questions & The European Banking Union

le varie fasi sembrano completate..manca a mio avviso solo la "non adesione all'offerta volontaria"..a pensar male..

Saluti,
 
Un articolo (Dimon leggera' questi articoli ?) che tenta di fotografare la situazione politica del paese.

FT.com
Matteo Renzi’s reforms are a constitutional bridge to nowhere

What Italy needs is not more laws more rapidly passed but rather fewer and better laws

Matteo Renzi, Italy’s prime minister, raised eyebrows last week when he suggested reviving a project to link the mainland with Sicily by building the world’s longest suspension bridge across the Strait of Messina. This multibillion-euro project is associated with Silvio Berlusconi, who promoted it during his several spells as prime minister between 1994 and 2011. The plan was dropped in 2013 on account of its cost, the strait’s vulnerability to earthquakes and the danger that mafia clans would fatten themselves on construction contracts.

Why does Mr Renzi, who criticised the bridge in 2012 as a waste of money, claim now to see its merits? One answer lies in the risks to his premiership from a referendum on constitutional reforms to be held on December 4. By hinting at the relaunch of a project dear to Mr Berlusconi’s heart, the centre-left Mr Renzi aims to reduce the incentive of Berlusconi loyalists and other centre-right forces to topple him in the event that he should lose the referendum.

Whether it makes sense to build a bridge above the waves where, 3,000 years ago, Homer imagined the monsters Scylla and Charybdis attacking Odysseus is a matter for debate. The larger point is that, contrary to Mr Renzi’s assertions, the proposed constitutional reforms would do little to improve the quality of government, lawmaking and politics. The powers of the Senate, the upper house of parliament, would be drastically curtailed in favour of the lower house. The Senate would no longer be elected by direct, popular vote but would consist mainly of regional councillors and mayors. Its membership would be cut from 315 to 100.

Mr Renzi contends that the system of government set out in Italy’s 1948 constitution is a dog’s breakfast that generates recurrent instability. At present, parliament’s two chambers have identical powers. No bill becomes law until they agree on a common text. According to the premier, this results in pointless delays that hobble well-intentioned governments, such as his own, that want to pass modernising reforms. Yet the record of postwar governments, including Mr Renzi’s, disproves his argument. Italian parliaments pass more laws year by year than those in France, Germany, the UK and the US. Despite lacking a Senate majority, Mr Renzi’s Democratic party has passed tax cuts and a labour market reform that are centrepieces of his programme.

Neither are the Senate’s powers the reason there have been more than 60 governments in the past 70 years. The chief explanation is the fragmented nature of Italy’s political parties. This reflects the fragmentation of Italian society. Every party, and each faction of every party, stands for a distinctive set of economic, geographical, ideological, religious or social interests — or even for the self-interest of its leader, as when Mr Berlusconi’s Forza Italia ruled Italy.

Pace Mr Renzi what Italy needs is not more laws more rapidly passed, but fewer and better laws. They must be written with care, and actually enforced, rather than blocked or circumvented by Italy’s public administration, special interests and the public. The reforms are bound up with an electoral law that will award bonus lower house seats to the winning party, handing it a majority for a five-year term. Cooked up in 2014 by Mr Renzi and Mr Berlusconi, this is a thoroughly bad reform, too.

In EU capitals, there is a feeling that Mr Renzi deserves support. A rudderless Italy, vulnerable to a banking crisis and to the anti-establishment Five Star Movement, would spell trouble. Yet a referendum defeat for Mr Renzi need not destabilise Italy. A victory, on the other hand, might expose the folly of putting the tactical objective of Mr Renzi’s survival ahead of the strategic need for a healthy democracy in Italy.
 
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