Macroeconomia Crisi finanziaria e sviluppi

Fixing the bank crisis is the easy part Asia Times 25 gennaio 2009
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Stampa Manda per E-mail
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For the third time in the post-war period, the United States banking system is insolvent. When President Barack Obama's economic advisor Paul Volcker chaired the Federal Reserve's Board of Governors in 1981, the collapse of emerging-market borrowers left the big American banks on the verge of bankruptcy. The collapse of the junk-bond market in 1990 followed by the real estate market in 1991 left the system insolvent once again.

Both times, the right medicine was to ignore the disease. Rather than mark banks' asset books to market, the Federal Reserve let them carry bad loans at face value. By dropping interest rates, the Fed provided cheap funding for the banks to earn a higher margin on their assets. As long as cash-on-cash returns were positive, the regulators could ignore the insolvency.

Today's problem is far worse than the previous two system insolvencies, to be sure. It is so large that nationalization the banking system very well might crush the credit of the United States. But with close to zero-percent funding from the Federal Reserve, American banks can acquire cheap assets that pay yields of 15%-20%. The cash flow available on non-agency mortgage bonds, credit card bonds, structured bonds backed by corporate loans, and other high-yielding assets is big enough to provide banks with positive cash flow despite mounting losses on real estate, mortgages and consumer loans.

Because the hole is so large in banks' balance sheets, plugging it is a tricky maneuver, as I will explain below. But it can be done, and the nationalization of the banking system is far from inevitable. In fact, it almost certainly would backfire.

That's the good news. The bad news is that it won't matter for the economy.

The banks aren't the problem. In fact, the banking system has been lending more during the present recession than it has in any previous recession.

Commercial and industrial loans at all commercial banks

charta.gif


Source: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
Shaded areas indicate US recessions as determined by the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER).

Commercial and industrial loans at US banks rose through the present recession. During the previous recession of 2001-2002, they began falling and kept falling until 2004. The banks are lending. Not only are they making loans, but they also are buying securities.

Other securities at all commercial banks

chartb.gif


Source: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
Shaded areas indicate US recessions as determined by the NBER

What has happened, rather, is that the market's willingness to buy credit-sensitive American bonds has collapsed. Between the first quarter of 2007 and the third quarter of 2008, mortgage-backed securities issuance dropped by roughly half, corporate bond issuance by three-quarters, and asset-backed issuance by more than nine-tenths.

chartc.jpg


Prior to the credit crisis, the US imported a trillion dollars a year of capital to finance the housing bubble and related consumer credit expansion, as well as the application of corporate leverage through leveraged buyouts and speculative-grade bond issuance. Global demand for such securities (and the structured vehicles into which they were packaged) collapsed after the subprime collapse of mid-2007. That is not the fault of the American banking system, but a violent allergic reaction against American risk on the part of the world market.

Hedge funds, whose assets have shrunk violently from US$1.9 trillion in the middle of 2008 to only $1.4 trillion at year-end, have had to sell enormous quantities of securities. Banks used to allow hedge funds to lever such assets many times over. They no longer are willing to provide leverage, and regulators wouldn't allow them to if they wanted to.

In fact, the collapse of these markets provides the solution to the American banking crisis. Forced selling by hedge funds has cheapened the price of subprime mortgage bonds, for example, to the point that they are highly attractive. AAA-rated bonds backed by subprime mortgages issued in 2007, for example, start to lose principal only after losses reach 35%. Losses almost certainly will exceed that number - but will they exceed 50%, or 60%? That is extremely unlikely.

Yet bonds with a 5% coupon are selling at a dollar price of 35 cents, for a yield of well over 14%. Even with an extremely high loss rate, the yield should be in excess of 10%. Financed at zero percent, with an 8% capital coverage ratio, the rate of return on holding such instruments is enormous. The same is true of collateralized loan obligations backed by high-quality corporate debt, credit card bonds, and various other asset classes.

In effect, I argued in the Inner Workings blog on this site, a trillion dollars' worth of hedge fund equity will be wiped out through forced sales. That leaves several trillion dollars worth of assets (a levered multiple of the lost equity) trading at well below fair value, with no available buyers. Levered investors no longer can obtain leverage.

In effect, a trillion dollars of hedge fund equity will be transferred to the banking system. Banks will buy cheap assets with even cheaper leverage provided by the Federal Reserve, and their cash-on-cash returns will turn positive. Only one other thing is required to end the banking crisis, and that is to lie outright about the true state of banks' books.

That, in essence, is what the Group of Thirty, a private association of economists, bankers and public officials, proposed on January 15 in a study of bank regulation headed by Paul Volcker. Eliminating mark-to-market accounting, that is, allowing banks to carry devalued assets at par as long as they continue to pay interest, is the most important of its recommendations.

It is writedowns of asset prices, rather than cash flow, that have crushed bank profits during the past two years. As I showed in my Inner Workings blog, the collapse of bank stocks followed the price decline of the kind of assets they own. Banks will have huge losses to cash flow as assets stop paying, but they also have the ability to add sufficient cash flows to stay in the black on a cash flow basis.

In fact, the collapse of asset prices helps the banks. As asset prices cheapen, banks can add cash flows at lower cost. In that sense, it has to get worse before it gets better. The danger in such a strategy is that confidence in the banks might collapse and impinge their capacity to borrow. Government guarantees of bank debts as well as ring-fencing of assets, though, have kept the borrowing costs of the banks manageable even while their stock prices have tumbled.

The future of the banks is a miserable, penurious existence in which shareholders live on the brink of annihilation, high returns on bargain-priced assets barely replace lost cash flows due to consumer and corporate defaults, and government regulators look over bankers' shoulders all day long. Banks will return to the black-box model, carrying illiquid assets on their books at par, as they did during the 1980s and 1990s. They will resemble a regulated public utility more than the buccaneers of the 1990s and 2000s. But they will survive.

Nationalization as an alternative would be a catastrophe.

The prospect that Great Britain might nationalize its banks has already raised the specter of a British bankruptcy. It costs as much to buy insurance against a British default today, at LIBOR +150 basis points, as it did to insure Brazilian paper last spring. The mere rumor of American bank nationalization has pushed the cost of insuring against American default to 75 basis points (a basis point is a hundredth of a percentage point). That's what it cost to insure against Brazilian default in May 2007.

When governments take over banks, they are saying in effect that the asset book is so damaged that the bank will never be able to make good on its liabilities. The government then takes responsibility for the liabilities. In the case of Iceland, whose banks mushroomed to several times the size of the national economy, the liabilities of the banks sank the credit of the government. British pundits are now writing about Reykjavik on the Thames, as Britain's Prime Minister Gordon Brown takes majority shares in some banks.

The US is already borrowing unprecedented amounts in global capital markets. As I wrote in this publication last November, a Treasury borrowing requirement well in excess of $1 trillion puts enormous strains on global markets (see The black hole in financial markets, Asia Times Online, November 22, 2008).

If the Treasury has to take on an additional $2 trillion of debt as the cost of bank nationalization, the hairline cracks in the credit of the US Treasury could widen into something very dangerous. During the past few days, term Treasury yields backed up violently, from just over 2% on December 31 to 2.65% at the end of last week for the 10-year Treasury. This occurred while risk aversion spiked. That is an ominous sign.

During previous episodes of risk aversion, investors bought Treasuries as a safe haven. Now the threat is that the Treasury will have to borrow trillions of dollars to buy the banking system. If Treasuries lose their safe-haven status, the entire financial system is in extreme danger. That is not an exaggeration.

An additional problem is the ballooning of the Federal Reserve's balance sheet by $1.4 trillion to include mortgage-backed securities, commercial paper, and other risky securities. There is not a great deal of difference between the Fed's balance sheet and Citigroup's. If Citigroup is liquidated, the market would wonder whether the Federal Reserve itself was viable. That is a very dangerous question to leave open.

In the great scheme of things, it does not matter for the world financial system if all the hedge funds in the world go out of business. Wealthy investors (and some pension funds and life insurance companies) would lose their equity. If the banks collapse, the world economy goes into depression, and if the weight of bank liabilities sinks the credit of national governments, the depression will be worse than that of the 1930s. That is why it is reassuring that Paul Volcker is close to President Barack Obama. He has done this before, and knows how to do it again.

Stabilizing the banks, though, is a necessary but not sufficient condition for economic recovery. There is no reason to believe that the banks do not wish to lend to consumers or business; as noted, they never stopped lending during the present downturn. The bigger problem is that American consumers do not wish to borrow. What John Maynard Keynes called the marginal propensity to save shifted towards the 1.0 mark, as Americans realized that they were trillions of dollars short of funding their collective retirement. The national illusion that capital gains would substitute for savings has disappeared, and Americans are now attempting to save as much as they can. If they all try to save at the same time by shutting down expenditures, of course, the economy will collapse.

As Francesco Sisci and I wrote in this space last November: "No recovery is possible unless American households can save, and they cannot save in an economic contraction when incomes spiral downwards. To save, Americans must sell goods and services to someone else, and a glance at the globe makes clear who that must be: nearly half the world's population, and most of the world's capacity for economic growth, is concentrated in China and the Pacific Littoral." (see US's road to recovery runs through Beijing, Asia Times Online, November 15, 2008).

America must seek a global solution to its economic problems. Defusing the bank crisis would buy time to put a real solution in place.

by David P Goldman, head of debt research at Bank of America's securities branch 2002-2005 and a member of its fixed income executive committee.
 
Fixing the bank crisis is the easy part Asia Times 25 gennaio 2009
icon.iht-top.gif
Stampa Manda per E-mail
icon.iht-textsize.gif
Testo
icon.iht-bottom.gif
For the third time in the post-war period, the United States banking system is insolvent. When President Barack Obama's economic advisor Paul Volcker chaired the Federal Reserve's Board of Governors in 1981, the collapse of emerging-market borrowers left the big American banks on the verge of bankruptcy. The collapse of the junk-bond market in 1990 followed by the real estate market in 1991 left the system insolvent once again.

Both times, the right medicine was to ignore the disease. Rather than mark banks' asset books to market, the Federal Reserve let them carry bad loans at face value. By dropping interest rates, the Fed provided cheap funding for the banks to earn a higher margin on their assets. As long as cash-on-cash returns were positive, the regulators could ignore the insolvency.

Today's problem is far worse than the previous two system insolvencies, to be sure. It is so large that nationalization the banking system very well might crush the credit of the United States. But with close to zero-percent funding from the Federal Reserve, American banks can acquire cheap assets that pay yields of 15%-20%. The cash flow available on non-agency mortgage bonds, credit card bonds, structured bonds backed by corporate loans, and other high-yielding assets is big enough to provide banks with positive cash flow despite mounting losses on real estate, mortgages and consumer loans.

Because the hole is so large in banks' balance sheets, plugging it is a tricky maneuver, as I will explain below. But it can be done, and the nationalization of the banking system is far from inevitable. In fact, it almost certainly would backfire.

That's the good news. The bad news is that it won't matter for the economy.

The banks aren't the problem. In fact, the banking system has been lending more during the present recession than it has in any previous recession.

Commercial and industrial loans at all commercial banks

charta.gif


Source: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System.
Shaded areas indicate US recessions as determined by the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER).

Commercial and industrial loans at US banks rose through the present recession. During the previous recession of 2001-2002, they began falling and kept falling until 2004. The banks are lending. Not only are they making loans, but they also are buying securities.

Other securities at all commercial banks

chartb.gif


Source: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System
Shaded areas indicate US recessions as determined by the NBER

What has happened, rather, is that the market's willingness to buy credit-sensitive American bonds has collapsed. Between the first quarter of 2007 and the third quarter of 2008, mortgage-backed securities issuance dropped by roughly half, corporate bond issuance by three-quarters, and asset-backed issuance by more than nine-tenths.

chartc.jpg


Prior to the credit crisis, the US imported a trillion dollars a year of capital to finance the housing bubble and related consumer credit expansion, as well as the application of corporate leverage through leveraged buyouts and speculative-grade bond issuance. Global demand for such securities (and the structured vehicles into which they were packaged) collapsed after the subprime collapse of mid-2007. That is not the fault of the American banking system, but a violent allergic reaction against American risk on the part of the world market.

Hedge funds, whose assets have shrunk violently from US$1.9 trillion in the middle of 2008 to only $1.4 trillion at year-end, have had to sell enormous quantities of securities. Banks used to allow hedge funds to lever such assets many times over. They no longer are willing to provide leverage, and regulators wouldn't allow them to if they wanted to.

In fact, the collapse of these markets provides the solution to the American banking crisis. Forced selling by hedge funds has cheapened the price of subprime mortgage bonds, for example, to the point that they are highly attractive. AAA-rated bonds backed by subprime mortgages issued in 2007, for example, start to lose principal only after losses reach 35%. Losses almost certainly will exceed that number - but will they exceed 50%, or 60%? That is extremely unlikely.

Yet bonds with a 5% coupon are selling at a dollar price of 35 cents, for a yield of well over 14%. Even with an extremely high loss rate, the yield should be in excess of 10%. Financed at zero percent, with an 8% capital coverage ratio, the rate of return on holding such instruments is enormous. The same is true of collateralized loan obligations backed by high-quality corporate debt, credit card bonds, and various other asset classes.

In effect, I argued in the Inner Workings blog on this site, a trillion dollars' worth of hedge fund equity will be wiped out through forced sales. That leaves several trillion dollars worth of assets (a levered multiple of the lost equity) trading at well below fair value, with no available buyers. Levered investors no longer can obtain leverage.

In effect, a trillion dollars of hedge fund equity will be transferred to the banking system. Banks will buy cheap assets with even cheaper leverage provided by the Federal Reserve, and their cash-on-cash returns will turn positive. Only one other thing is required to end the banking crisis, and that is to lie outright about the true state of banks' books.

That, in essence, is what the Group of Thirty, a private association of economists, bankers and public officials, proposed on January 15 in a study of bank regulation headed by Paul Volcker. Eliminating mark-to-market accounting, that is, allowing banks to carry devalued assets at par as long as they continue to pay interest, is the most important of its recommendations.

It is writedowns of asset prices, rather than cash flow, that have crushed bank profits during the past two years. As I showed in my Inner Workings blog, the collapse of bank stocks followed the price decline of the kind of assets they own. Banks will have huge losses to cash flow as assets stop paying, but they also have the ability to add sufficient cash flows to stay in the black on a cash flow basis.

In fact, the collapse of asset prices helps the banks. As asset prices cheapen, banks can add cash flows at lower cost. In that sense, it has to get worse before it gets better. The danger in such a strategy is that confidence in the banks might collapse and impinge their capacity to borrow. Government guarantees of bank debts as well as ring-fencing of assets, though, have kept the borrowing costs of the banks manageable even while their stock prices have tumbled.

The future of the banks is a miserable, penurious existence in which shareholders live on the brink of annihilation, high returns on bargain-priced assets barely replace lost cash flows due to consumer and corporate defaults, and government regulators look over bankers' shoulders all day long. Banks will return to the black-box model, carrying illiquid assets on their books at par, as they did during the 1980s and 1990s. They will resemble a regulated public utility more than the buccaneers of the 1990s and 2000s. But they will survive.

Nationalization as an alternative would be a catastrophe.

The prospect that Great Britain might nationalize its banks has already raised the specter of a British bankruptcy. It costs as much to buy insurance against a British default today, at LIBOR +150 basis points, as it did to insure Brazilian paper last spring. The mere rumor of American bank nationalization has pushed the cost of insuring against American default to 75 basis points (a basis point is a hundredth of a percentage point). That's what it cost to insure against Brazilian default in May 2007.

When governments take over banks, they are saying in effect that the asset book is so damaged that the bank will never be able to make good on its liabilities. The government then takes responsibility for the liabilities. In the case of Iceland, whose banks mushroomed to several times the size of the national economy, the liabilities of the banks sank the credit of the government. British pundits are now writing about Reykjavik on the Thames, as Britain's Prime Minister Gordon Brown takes majority shares in some banks.

The US is already borrowing unprecedented amounts in global capital markets. As I wrote in this publication last November, a Treasury borrowing requirement well in excess of $1 trillion puts enormous strains on global markets (see The black hole in financial markets, Asia Times Online, November 22, 2008).

If the Treasury has to take on an additional $2 trillion of debt as the cost of bank nationalization, the hairline cracks in the credit of the US Treasury could widen into something very dangerous. During the past few days, term Treasury yields backed up violently, from just over 2% on December 31 to 2.65% at the end of last week for the 10-year Treasury. This occurred while risk aversion spiked. That is an ominous sign.

During previous episodes of risk aversion, investors bought Treasuries as a safe haven. Now the threat is that the Treasury will have to borrow trillions of dollars to buy the banking system. If Treasuries lose their safe-haven status, the entire financial system is in extreme danger. That is not an exaggeration.

An additional problem is the ballooning of the Federal Reserve's balance sheet by $1.4 trillion to include mortgage-backed securities, commercial paper, and other risky securities. There is not a great deal of difference between the Fed's balance sheet and Citigroup's. If Citigroup is liquidated, the market would wonder whether the Federal Reserve itself was viable. That is a very dangerous question to leave open.

In the great scheme of things, it does not matter for the world financial system if all the hedge funds in the world go out of business. Wealthy investors (and some pension funds and life insurance companies) would lose their equity. If the banks collapse, the world economy goes into depression, and if the weight of bank liabilities sinks the credit of national governments, the depression will be worse than that of the 1930s. That is why it is reassuring that Paul Volcker is close to President Barack Obama. He has done this before, and knows how to do it again.

Stabilizing the banks, though, is a necessary but not sufficient condition for economic recovery. There is no reason to believe that the banks do not wish to lend to consumers or business; as noted, they never stopped lending during the present downturn. The bigger problem is that American consumers do not wish to borrow. What John Maynard Keynes called the marginal propensity to save shifted towards the 1.0 mark, as Americans realized that they were trillions of dollars short of funding their collective retirement. The national illusion that capital gains would substitute for savings has disappeared, and Americans are now attempting to save as much as they can. If they all try to save at the same time by shutting down expenditures, of course, the economy will collapse.

As Francesco Sisci and I wrote in this space last November: "No recovery is possible unless American households can save, and they cannot save in an economic contraction when incomes spiral downwards. To save, Americans must sell goods and services to someone else, and a glance at the globe makes clear who that must be: nearly half the world's population, and most of the world's capacity for economic growth, is concentrated in China and the Pacific Littoral." (see US's road to recovery runs through Beijing, Asia Times Online, November 15, 2008).

America must seek a global solution to its economic problems. Defusing the bank crisis would buy time to put a real solution in place.

by David P Goldman, head of debt research at Bank of America's securities branch 2002-2005 and a member of its fixed income executive committee.

Gulp riflessioni notevoli ed interessanti, da un'angolatura diversa,
ma concreta.;)
 
Fixing the bank crisis is the easy part Asia Times 25 gennaio 2009
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Stampa Manda per E-mail
icon.iht-textsize.gif
Testo
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. To save, Americans must sell goods and services to someone else, and a glance at the globe makes clear who that must be: nearly half the world's population, and most of the world's capacity for economic growth, is concentrated in China and the Pacific Littoral." (see US's road to recovery runs through Beijing, Asia Times Online, November 15, 2008).

America must seek a global solution to its economic problems. Defusing the bank crisis would buy time to put a real solution in place.

by David P Goldman, head of debt research at Bank of America's securities branch 2002-2005 and a member of its fixed income executive committee.
L' ho letto veramente di corsa... ma l' utimo periodo mi ha colpito..vendere beni e servizi a qualcun altro.. a chi alla Cina??? ma un per favore ... con 3000 euro/anno ad operaio e udite udite 400 euro anno per contadino...e che gli vendi?
:)Caro Methos, beninteso: NON ce l' ho assolutamente con Te anzi! ce l'ho con questa ridda di economisti ... che usassero almeno una calcolatrice.. Capissero che la Cina è il PROBLEMA ora e non certo la soluzione (forse nel 2040/2050 forse..)Non a caso si sta puntando e parecchio sulle green technologies... nell' immediato ci si tira fuori alla bell' e meglio.. poi una volta rimesso nei binari il convoglio affidarlo alla locomotiva di una nuova espansione affidata alla nuova ecologynomics..la quale proporrà i propri frutti alla parte + sviluppata del pianeta..sperando che nn si vada a regalare di nuovo il know how ...
 
Ultima modifica:
Of the 84 country equity indices that we track, 19 are up so far this year, which is at least better than we could say for 2008. As shown, China is currently the second best performing country so far this year, with a gain of 9.33%. Another BRIC country that is currently in the black for 2009 is Brazil, with a gain of 2.49%.
But 19 countries in the black means that 65 countries are already in the red, and some are bleeding pretty badly. Seventeen countries are down more than 10%, including G-7 countries Germany and Japan. Canada is the best performing G-7 country so far in 2009 with a decline of 3.50%. Puerto Rico has seen the biggest loss -- falling by 34%.

saupload_2009perf.png
 
EDITORIALE – Davos
Un Simposio all’insegna della crisi
Alfonso Tuor
Quello che si apre domani a Davos sarà un Simposio di crisi e addirittura di «espiazione», come ha scritto ieri il Corriere della Sera.


Il termine crisi è imposto dalla realtà economica e non riguarda la qualità e il numero dei partecipanti: per questa 38. edizione del World Economic Forum converranno nella località turistica grigionese una quarantina di Capi di Stato e di Governo.

Il termine espiazione riguarda invece quello che a torto o a ragione il Simposio di Davos simboleggia: il trionfo dell’economia globalizzata fondata su una filosofia liberista.

Su questa illusione aveva già ironizzato alcuni anni orsono Samuel P. Huntigton nel suo famoso saggio «Lo scontro delle civiltà e il nuovo ordine mondiale». Il politologo americano aveva infatti sottolineato, partendo dalla constatazione che la Coca Cola si vende in tutto il mondo (da uno sperduto villaggio egiziano ad uno cinese), che «l’uomo di Davos» si è convinto che la globalizzazione e il liberismo siano processi accettati e ineludibili.

Huntington aveva sottolineato con forza che si trattava in realtà di un fenomeno superficiale che paradossalmente avrebbe addirittura favorito la riaffermazione delle diversità culturali dei popoli attorno alle loro identità religiose.



Samuel Huntington non aveva invece previsto che a Davos, come scrive il Corriere della Sera, sarà necessario anche «un piano di salvataggio di quella scienza economica» che negli ultimi anni ha magnificato le virtù del liberismo economico, della deregolamentazione dei mercati e della nuova ingegneria finanziaria.

Infatti a Davos saranno presenti i politici, ma anche quei banchieri che oggi implorano gli aiuti dello Stato, ma che nel frattempo continuano a non fare trasparenza sull’entità dei buchi nei bilanci dei loro istituti.


La gravità della situazione lascerà comunque poco spazio a questo ripensamento, altrimenti doveroso. Infatti la discussione verterà sulle misure necessarie per uscire dalla crisi. Il dibattito non sarà semplice, poiché, come ha detto il professor Victor Halberstadt dell’Università di Leiden in Olanda, «questo è l’inizio di un periodo di grandi improvvisazioni, poiché questa crisi non ha precedenti da cui trarre indicazioni su come procedere».

Questa affermazione è totalmente condivisibile e riassume la confusione e la mancanza di una strategia dei continui, e per certi versi frenetici, interventi di Governi e banche centrali, che finora non hanno prodotto alcun risultato visibile.


Anzi, la crisi finanziaria si è ulteriormente aggravata e si è già tradotta in molti Paesi in una profonda recessione con impressionanti balzi della disoccupazione.

Nonostante questi ripetuti fallimenti, i Governi non demordono e continuano a preparare nuovi piani per tentare di salvare il sistema bancario.

Le opzioni sul tappeto sono oggi diverse: si va dal modello inglese di una garanzia statale sui titoli tossici alle ipotesi americana e tedesca di creare una «banca spazzatura» con soldi dello Stato che acquisti i titoli tossici ancora detenuti dalle banche.

Anche questi tentativi sono destinati al fallimento.

Infatti, pur non entrando nel merito della grande questione politica di determinare il prezzo di questi titoli, si scoprirà ben presto che vi sono altri enormi «buchi neri» nei bilanci delle grandi banche che vanno dagli strumenti derivati agli altri prodotti della nuova ingegneria finanziaria fino alle nuove sofferenze causate dalla crisi economica.

Quindi altri miliardi verranno usati per cercare di risanare un sistema bancario decotto che non svolge più il suo compito di trasmettere gli impulsi di politica monetaria e che addirittura sta acuendo la crisi con la stretta attuata nella concessione dei crediti.


Vi è da sperare che a Davos si rimettano in discussione queste politiche e che ci si renda conto che gli Stati con queste politiche stanno mettendo in gioco la credibilità dei titoli con cui finanziano i loro debiti pubblici e la credibilità delle loro valute.

Oggi tutti, anche il nuovo presidente americano, dicono che questa è la crisi più grave dagli Anni Trenta.

Partendo da questo giudizio oramai condiviso bisogna prendere atto che il crollo del ‘29 è già avvenuto e che ora l’imperativo deve essere evitare un’altra Grande Depressione.


In quest’ottica bisogna definire le priorità, poiché, come sostiene il ministro italiano Giulio Tremonti, non vi sono le risorse per salvare tutto e tutti, ossia banche, famiglie ed imprese.
27.01.09 07:40:06
 
La Germania ( potendoselo permettere ) sta attuando e potenziando
corposi interventi indispensabili,
grazie ai quali, probabilmente in futuro la rafforzeranno come leader del nostro continente ( poichè gli altri, a parte i francesi, non hanno risorse di spesa aggiuntive "libere" ) :

27.01.09 10:37 - Germania: ok Governo ulteriore piano stimolo (fonte)
BERLINO (MF-DJ)--Il Governo tedesco ha approvato una legge di bilancio supplementare per il 2009 e ha dato il via libera al secondo piano di stimolo fiscale da 50 mld euro.
Lo ha dichiarato a Dow Jones Newswires una fonte anonima vicina al Governo. Il target dell'indebitamento netto sara' innalzato a 36,8 mld euro, raddoppiato rispetto ai 18,5 mld precedentemente stabiliti. Questo importo, tuttavia, non considera un fondo speciale che sara' creato separatamente e che dara' al Governo la possibilita' di chiedere prestiti fino a 21 mld euro, per aiutarlo a finanziare il nuovo piano di stimolo.
Considerando anche l'indebitamento derivante da questo fondo, il nuovofabbisogno finanziario del Governo tocchera' i massimi da sei decenni, superandoil livello record di 40 mld euro registrato nel 1996. Le stime sulle spese totali sono pari a 297,5 mld euro (+5,1% a/a) e quellesugli investimenti ammontano a 28,7 mld, rispetto ai 27,2 mld precedentementestimati.Durante il meeting, il Governo ha inoltre approvato il programma di stimolo da 50 mld euro per il 2009 e 2010, successivo al primo piano da 31 mld adottato a novembre. Le due misure equivalgono all'1,5% del Pil nazionale. Si attende ora il voto della Camera bassa il 13 febbraio e della Camera alta entro fine febbraio. red/est/cla
 
TIMES SQUARE

Il rischio dei salvataggi Obama e l’assalto degli ‘zombi’ dell’economia

DI ARTURO ZAMPAGLIONE

Quando l’exbanchiere della Goldman Sachs John Talbott stava finendo di scrivere "Obamanomics", il bestseller sull’economia nell’era di Barack Obama e sulle sfide della nuova Casa Bianca, il termine non era ancora di moda, anche se il fenomeno assumeva già dimensioni pericolose in tutti gli Stati Uniti. Adesso la parola "zombi" è sempre sulla bocca di esperti e "columnist".
"E’ la parola dell’anno", proclama Tokeo Hoshi, professore al campus di San Diego dell’università della California, ricordando che nel 2008 il riconoscimento andò all’espressione "bailout", salvataggio.
Nel "dialetto" della finanza gli zombi sono quei debitori che, pur senza speranze di ripresa, riescono a non scomparire grazie agli aiuti del governo e a nuovi prestiti. Come nella tradizione vudu, sono dei morti che si aggirano tra i vivi, succhiando linfa vitale ai settori sani dell’economia, bruciando capitali, risorse umane e fiscali che sarebbero più proficuamente utilizzate altrove.
Tagliando i prezzi, le aziendezombi fanno concorrenza sleale alle altre, spesso trascinandole nel baratro. E il loro numero cresce rapidamente nell’America della Grande Recessione.
Già la Casa Bianca di George W. Bush si era affrettata a proteggere colossi come Citigroup nel campo bancario, General Motors in quello dell’auto e Aig in quello assicurativo.
La presidenza Obama sarà sotto pressione per difendere altri settori: l’acciaio, le compagnie aeree, alcune società di distribuzione. Anche l’industria del porno chiede un salvataggio. E intanto si aggirano milioni degli "zombi più temibili", come li definisce Business Week, cioè quei proprietari di case che non hanno né avranno mai i soldi per pagare le rate dei mutui. E’ una bomba a orologeria che frena la ripresa perché, oltre ai mutui, questi "morti viventi" non possono mantenere i ritmi di consumo né le carte di credito.
In questa prospettiva il boom degli zombi si traduce in una sfida di politica (e cultura) economica per la Casa Bianca di Obama. L’esempio da evitare sarà quello del Giappone degli anni Novanta.
In quella fase buia gli aiuti del governo di Tokyo permisero a molte banche incurabilmente malate di pagare gli interessi sui loro debiti, ritardando la fine della recessione e soprattutto quei processi che l’economista austriaco Joseph Schumpeter chiamava "di distruzione creativa", caratterizzati dallo spostamento di risorse dai settori in declino a quelli in espansione.
L’obiettivo dovrebbe essere invece di assecondare i mutamenti strutturali, senza innescare crisi sistemiche (e con il fallimento della Lehman Brothers si è rischiato grosso) e al tempo stesso proteggendo, non i posti di lavoro in sé, ma i lavoratori. Più in generale il governo dovrebbe stare alla larga dalle aziendezombi e sostenere solo quelle che, pur trovandosi una stretta creditizia, hanno un "core business" dalle buone prospettive.
Sottoposto la settimana scorsa al duro interrogatorio dei senatori chiamati a ratificare il suo incarico a ministro del Tesoro (e a perdonargli le scappatelle fiscali), Tim Geithner ha confermato la sua fama di uomo brillante e preparato.
Non ha mai parlato di zombi, forse per non umiliare società di vecchia fama, ma ha fatto capire che la nuova Casa Bianca avrà un atteggiamento deciso, pragmatico e selettivo.
Ma gli zombi hanno potenti padrini politici, anche tra i democratici, e si preannuncia così un faticoso braccio di ferro.
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Washington, DC – In light of President Barack Obama's firm commitment to transparency, accountability and oversight in our government's approach to stabilizing the financial system, U.S. Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner today announced several key reforms to the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act (EESA). As one of his first acts as the 75th Treasury Secretary, Secretary Geithner outlined new, stepped up rules designed to limit the influence of lobbyists and special interests in the EESA process and ensure that investment decisions are guided by objective assessments in the best interest of the health and stability of the financial system.
"American taxpayers deserve to know that their money is spent in the most effective way to stabilize the financial system. Today's actions reaffirm our commitment toward that goal," said Secretary Geithner.
Today's announcement builds on several reforms to the EESA previously outlined by President Obama, including monitoring and tracking lending patterns by financial institutions, limiting executive compensation, and preventing shareholders from being unduly rewarded at taxpayer expense. These new rules go beyond the approach taken under the EESA to date and will help ensure a new level of openness and accountability going forward.
The new rules include:
Combating lobbyist influence in the EESA process:The Treasury Department will implement safeguards to prevent lobbyist influence over the program, including restricting contacts with lobbyists in connection with applications for, or disbursements of, EESA funds.
Keeping politics out of funding decisions: The Treasury Department will ensure that political influence does not interfere with EESA decision making, using as a model for these protections the limits on political influence over tax matters.
Certification to Congress on objective decision making: In reporting to Congress, the Office of Financial Stability (OFS) will certify that each investment decision is based only on investment criteria and the facts of the case.
The investment process will be transparent and based on objective criteria:

  • Only banks recommended by the primary bank regulator will be eligible for capital investments.
  • OFS will publish a detailed description of the investment review process undertaken by the regulators and OFS.
  • The Treasury Department will ensure adequate resources exist to process applications as quickly as possible with priority to the date of the application as received by OFS and will formulate procedures to ensure integrity and regularity in the application process.
 

To Bolster Transparency, Limit
Lobbyist Influence in Federal investment Decisions


Washington, DC – In light of President Barack Obama's firm commitment to transparency, accountability and oversight in our government's approach to stabilizing the financial system, U.S. Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner today announced several key reforms to the Emergency Economic Stabilization Act (EESA). As one of his first acts as the 75th Treasury Secretary, Secretary Geithner outlined new, stepped up rules designed to limit the influence of lobbyists and special interests in the EESA process and ensure that investment decisions are guided by objective assessments in the best interest of the health and stability of the financial system.
"American taxpayers deserve to know that their money is spent in the most effective way to stabilize the financial system. Today's actions reaffirm our commitment toward that goal," said Secretary Geithner.
Today's announcement builds on several reforms to the EESA previously outlined by President Obama, including monitoring and tracking lending patterns by financial institutions, limiting executive compensation, and preventing shareholders from being unduly rewarded at taxpayer expense. These new rules go beyond the approach taken under the EESA to date and will help ensure a new level of openness and accountability going forward.
The new rules include:
Combating lobbyist influence in the EESA process:The Treasury Department will implement safeguards to prevent lobbyist influence over the program, including restricting contacts with lobbyists in connection with applications for, or disbursements of, EESA funds.
Keeping politics out of funding decisions: The Treasury Department will ensure that political influence does not interfere with EESA decision making, using as a model for these protections the limits on political influence over tax matters.
Certification to Congress on objective decision making: In reporting to Congress, the Office of Financial Stability (OFS) will certify that each investment decision is based only on investment criteria and the facts of the case.
The investment process will be transparent and based on objective criteria:

  • Only banks recommended by the primary bank regulator will be eligible for capital investments.
  • OFS will publish a detailed description of the investment review process undertaken by the regulators and OFS.
  • The Treasury Department will ensure adequate resources exist to process applications as quickly as possible with priority to the date of the application as received by OFS and will formulate procedures to ensure integrity and regularity in the application process.

:clap::clap:Ottime premesse, se il buon giorno si vede dal mattino:D

P.S In USA ora vi è un Team fantastico, con un Pres.te che indubbiamente è un vero leader ed una brava persona.
Che invidia :(
 
Lectio brevis quotidiana del Nobel P.Krugman,dove da un lato spiega ed approva la ripartizione del Piano Obama di oltre 880 MLD USD,
mentre dall'altro lato da indicazioni UTILISSIME ;)per chi si occupa di tassi ed obbligazioni, poichè indica/storicizza/ipotizza su come si muoverà la FED ed i tassi nei prossimi 2/3 anni :

How late is too late?
One big question in the stimulus discussion is how much we should be worried about lags in implementation.

Every economics textbook — mine too! — warns that stimulus based on public spending has a habit of peaking much too late, and therefore ends up being counterproductive.

Now that we have a genuine CBO estimate of the timing of the stimulus plan, how worried should we be about the effects coming too late?

To answer this, it’s important to think about what the right criterion is.
It’s not a problem if some or even most of the stimulus arrives after the official recession, as determined by the NBER, is over.

Why?

Because in modern recessions, unemployment keeps rising long after the NBER has determined, based on things like industrial production,
that the recession proper is over.

You can see that the need for stimulus doesn’t end with the recession by the simple fact that in each of the last two recessions the Fed continued to cut interest rates long after the official cycle trough.

if it’s good enough for the Fed, it’s good enough for fiscal policy.

So what is the right criterion?

Actually, I think it’s quite straightforward.

The reason we’re talking about fiscal policy is the fact that monetary policy is up against the zero lower bound.

Stimulus will still be valuable as long as we’re still up against that bound — which is likely to be the case for a long time.

Again, I think it’s helpful to look at the last two recessions, even though we didn’t hit the zero bound either time.

The 1990-1991 recession officially ended in March 1991;
but the Fed kept cutting rates, and it didn’t start raising the target rate until Feb. 1992, 2 years and 11 months later.

The 2001 recession officially ended in Nov. 2001;
but the Fed kept cutting, and didn’t start raising rates until June 2004, 2 years and 7 months later.

This suggests a long window, even after the recession officially ends, before the zero bound stops binding, and hence before the current strong case for fiscal expansion goes away.

Suppose, for example, that the recession ends this summer (which seems wildly optimistic).

If recent experience is any guide, the Fed will still be keeping rates at zero 2 1/2 years later, that is, at the end of 2011.

Which brings me to the CBO report, which presents spending profiles in terms of fiscal years (which begin Oct. 1 of the previous calendar year).

Given what I’ve said, any spending that comes in fiscal 2009, 2010, or 2011 is good, and it’s no tragedy if some of the spending trails off into the years following. CBO divides the plan into three parts:
Division A, which is more or less stuff like infrastructure spending;
Division B spending, which is stuff like increased food stamps;a
nd Division B revenue, which is tax cuts.

By my count, 70 percent of the Division A stuff and 91 percent of the Division B spending comes within the fiscal 2009-2011 window.

If you go up to the end of calendar 2011, we’re probably up to about 77 and 96 percent. That’s not at all bad.

So yes, lags in fiscal policy can be a problem — but they’re much less of a problem in the current context than the econ principles books might lead you to think.
 
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